more … ]]> This morning, Ming Campbell met with leading Liberal Democrat bloggers in Brighton, giving them the chance to question him on a variety of issues.

The five bloggers are all shortlisted for the party’s Blog of the Year Award, which will be awarded at a ceremony this evening.

Ming answered questions on a wide range of topics, including Europe, the party’s key messages for general election and his first eighteen months as leader.

Clockwise from left: Alex Wilcock, Jonathan Calder, Ming, Mark Webster who chaired the session, James Graham, Richard Flowers and Paul Walter.

more … ]]> Speaking to the Welsh Liberal Democrats conference, Ming Campbell said:

It is a pleasure to be here in Wales this weekend.

And as the Six Nations clash between Scotland and Wales is now a full month ago, I feel relieved to be here today rather than on 10th February.

I trust that good relations are now fully restored.

It is a very fine judgement for me which is the more important – rugby or politics.

For me politics is about determining what is in the national interest and acting upon it.

And we should do it with determination, seriousness and vigour.

Liberal Democrats should always see politics in this positive way.

We should always see political challenges not as obstacles but as opportunities.

And that is how I see this May’s Assembly election.

It’s an opportunity.

An opportunity for the Welsh Liberal Democrats to win more votes and more seats.

An opportunity to increase the influence of liberalism in Welsh politics.

Last weekend in Harrogate I made clear that I am not content to lead a party whose sole purpose is opposition. I did so because it is by governing that we have the opportunity to make the changes that will benefit people. And our experience in Wales is testament to that fact.

The Welsh Liberal Democrats lead councils in Bridgend, Cardiff and Wrexham. And here in Swansea too.

It is under Liberal Democrat leadership that those councils have increased recycling rates, regenerated local areas and reconnected local people to their councils by ending the one-party mentality.

And don’t forget that it was by positioning ourselves as the driving force in the Government of Wales’ first term that over one hundred Liberal Democrat policies were put into action.

You know, it was proportional representation that made that possible.

Both the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament are elected by a proportional system. A system that encourages parties to work together more, and to work against each other less. A system that ensures that every vote counts. A system which is fair, democratic and inclusive.

So be in no doubt that my commitment to proportional representation – for every election – is absolute.

We made a real difference in Welsh government, and we can make a real difference now. The Liberal Democrats will fight this election in the interests of the Welsh people. Our policies offer a radical programme for government.

They provide an opportunity to use the Assembly’s new powers in Wales’ best interests. And they mirror our party’s successful approach to governing in Scotland.

There, we have been the driving force behind radical reform in government.

There, we are not only responsible for the headline achievements of the Scottish Executive’s first terms – the abolition of tuition fees, free personal care for the elderly, and proportional representation for local government – but we have also been behind the detailed policies which have made a real difference to Scots’ daily lives – investing in medical diagnostics, trebling recycling rates, and freeing up teachers so that they can spend more time helping children to learn.

Our successes in Scotland can be repeated in Wales. Because it’s the Welsh Liberal Democrats who are setting the policy agenda here.

It’s the Welsh Liberal Democrats who propose a health service that puts patients first, with a single pathway to local quality healthcare.

It’s the Welsh Liberal Democrats who propose creating a better environment in which young people can learn, with investment in school buildings, smaller class sizes, and a clamp-down on ill-discipline and bullying.

And it’s the Welsh Liberal Democrats who propose practical measures to put Wales at the forefront of the green revolution. Creating jobs in a cleaner and greener Wales.

No other party has a plan for Wales that is both as ambitious and achievable as ours. Because no other party shares our understanding of devolution in action. No other party shares our commitment to empowering local people to take the decisions that will benefit their lives.

Labour may have delivered a Welsh Assembly, but its first eight years have been marred by a lack of power.
It’s ironic that having accepted the case for a more powerful Assembly, Labour appears to have even fewer ideas for providing better government. Rhodri Morgan leads a party that has failed to deliver on its key promises for this term. And lacks any vision for the next. Labour suffers from a poverty of ambition.

By contrast the Welsh Liberal Democrats are ambitious for Wales, with a programme for a progressive government.

And who else can meet that challenge?

The Conservatives? Certainly not.

This is a party that fought against devolution, tooth and nail. The Tories do not embrace devolution, they merely tolerate it. They remain out of step with modern Welsh government. And out of touch with the Welsh people. I doubt the people of Wales are any more enthusiastic than the people of Scotland would be about a Conservative First Minister.

But what of Plaid Cymru?

They have changed their official colours from green to yellow, but we all know they would lead Wales straight into the red. Theirs is an unreliable party standing on an uncosted manifesto. But behind their extravagant promises lies a more fundamental problem for Plaid. They cannot be the party of Wales’ devolved future, because they do not believe in that future. They want a different constitutional settlement. And they choose their words carefully to describe it.

Plaid Cymru says it wants “to promote the constitutional advancement of Wales with a view to attaining Full National Status for Wales within the European Union.” Well I know what that means and it doesn’t require twenty one words to describe it: it requires just one – separatism. Be under no illusion – Plaid might not put independence at the top of its manifesto, but it is at the forefront of their minds.

They are playing fast and loose with the future of Wales.

For the nationalists the aim is not good government in Cardiff, but populism in pursuit of divorce from the rest of the UK.

It is no secret that I care passionately about international affairs.

Because it is in that area that I know a strong and united Britain can be a force for good. A Britain committed to the rule of law and the United Nations. The challenges facing the world today are more complex than at any time in our history. Terrorism. Conflict. Third world poverty and debt. And climate change.

These challenges can only be met by concerted international action and support for international institutions.

The United Kingdom has a proud record in its support for these values. Only recently has that record has been tarnished. The core values of democracy are the best foundations to underpin international affairs. The world needs countries that stand for these values.

That’s what I think of when I consider the Union between the United Kingdom’s four nations. And that is why I attach real worth to the United Kingdom.

Because standing together the countries that comprise the UK state can be a force for good on a scale that would be impossible if they were standing apart.

The end of Great Britain would not only spell uncertainty for Wales’ domestic future, it would weaken Wales’ voice for good in the world.

That is not to say that Britain’s constitutional arrangements should be set in stone. We welcomed the Richard Commission and the prospect of a more powerful Assembly. And we are open-minded about how devolution might be adapted further to meet the needs and aspirations of the Welsh people. Because we believe that government should be shaped around the priorities of those it serves, and devolution allows us to achieve that.

It is those values, coupled with our bold policies that have helped this party to grow stronger in Wales over recent years.

In the 2005 Westminster election we finished in second place.

Our incumbent MPs Roger Williams and Welsh Leader Lembit Opik were joined by two new members. Jenny Willott gained Cardiff Central from Labour. And Mark Williams took Ceredigion from Plaid Cymru.

All four have made valuable contributions to the increased strength and credibility of our Welsh Party. And I have every confidence that our successful candidates for the Welsh Assembly will only add to that success.

One of them, John Davies, has already spoken to you from this platform, and I have every confidence that he will have a well-deserved victory in Ceredigion this May. And he’s not the only candidate knocking at the door.

John Dixon in South Wales Central. Veronica Watkins in South Wales East. Jackie Radford in South Wales West. Tudor Jones and Bruce Roberts in the North.

In all parts of Wales we have candidates who can win, and make a real difference in the Assembly. This is a party on the move.

I know it, you know it, and our opponents know it too.

The Prime Minister went to Llandudno last month to talk about Labour’s “extraordinary” progress in Wales.

But he doth protest too much.

But he’s right in a way.

You know, given their record, if they do make any progress in Wales, it will be extraordinary. The reality is that Labour’s record here is one of missed opportunities. Poverty and well-being is a case in point.

How can it be fair that homelessness in Wales has risen sharply under Labour?

How can it be fair that in today’s Wales one in five pensioners lives in poverty?

And how can it be fair that in 21st century Britain one in every four Welsh children lives in poverty too?

Wales needs a government that will stop meddling in our health service, and set the experts free to raise the standard to world class.

A government that will give families the opportunity for decent housing. A government that will give our children the best start in life. A Liberal Democrat government for Wales.

And our party is ready to use tax policy at a federal level to show our commitment to fairness throughout the United Kingdom.

Under the Blair-Brown administration, the lowest earning fifth of households in this country still pays more of their income in tax than the richest fifth.

Is that Labour’s message for this election? That under Labour those who earn less should pay more? Is that what Labour means when they tell us that they are getting tough? Are they ready to take that message to the voters in Ceredigion, Pembrokeshire Gwynedd and Powys, where low pay is prevalent?

Well let’s be clear – their way is not our way. Our principle is simple. Those who earn less should pay less.

And by increasing green taxes and abolishing generous tax subsidies that benefit the rich, we can afford to cut taxes for lower and middle income families.

Remember what that means. By abolishing the 10 pence starting rate; by cutting the basic rate from 22 pence to 20; and by raising the top rate threshold to £50,000, we will cut the national income tax bill of 1.4 million Welsh people. Almost two hundred thousand of the poorest Welsh tax payers will come out of national income tax altogether.

Don’t whisper it softly – shout it out loudly – Liberal Democrats would cut national income tax for those who need it most.

And shout just as loudly that Liberal Democrats can cut crime. That we can succeed where Labour and the Tories have failed.

Under Labour, there has been abject failure at the Home Office. The prison population is at record levels, and re-offending rates are the highest in Europe. This Labour government has given us twenty five new bills relating to criminal law since 1997. It has imposed on us some of the most authoritarian peacetime legislation this country has ever seen. More than 3000 new crimes have been put on the statute book. And yet the fear of crime and anti-social behaviour has not diminished one bit.

Wales deserves better than this.

To fight crime effectively, we don’t need to get tougher. We need to get smarter.

The Liberal Democrats recognise that challenge. And we are ready to meet it.

A liberal approach to crime is an honest approach to crime: it is based on what works rather than just what sounds good. Our approach, in Wales and the rest of Britain, targets the offender rather than the innocent.
And it has the courage to engage with the criminal and to reform their behaviour.

That philosophy underpins our plan for a five step campaign for a safer Wales.

First, we will use money ear-marked for an expensive, ineffective and unworkable identity card scheme to pay for more police officers instead.

Second, we will take back our town centres with a raft of strong measures that will help local authorities to clamp down on binge-drinking and other antisocial behaviour.

Third, we will have honesty in sentencing. Sentences will mean what they say, and automatic early release will be abolished.

Fourth, we will make offenders work to pay back their communities. Where appropriate, offenders should put right the wrongs that they have done. Community justice panels and restorative justice schemes can achieve exactly that.

And fifth, we will introduce an entirely new approach to compensating victims of crime – paid for by prison work.
It is only fair that money raised by prisoners in employment should go towards compensating their victims.

By making prisoners do real work for a real wage, we can also instil a sense of responsibility and enhance their skills. After all, prisoners who do not participate in education or training are three times more likely to go back to crime. Yet well over half of offenders receive no training at all. And only one in five prisoners exceeds the standards expected of an 11 year old in writing.

Instead, we will treble the number of prisoners working, and make education and training compulsory. Prisoners will pay for their crimes, while gaining the skills and experience needed to discourage them from further criminal behaviour.

And for those with serious mental health problems there will be increased provision of secure mental health services.

This is a package of positive measures that show that, together, we can cut crime. And that is our clear message going in to this May’s elections in Wales.

Tony Blair intends to step down from office this summer – so far as we know. But if his domestic legacy is one of under-performance, his foreign legacy is one of spectacular failure.

Britain’s foreign policy should be based on our long term interests. Britain should have an independent foreign policy based on British priorities. It should have an ethical dimension with the promotion of human rights as its centre piece.

That is what Labour called for in opposition. But in Government it has delivered something different.

The alignment of the Bush and Blair foreign policies has sometimes been so close that it has been difficult to distinguish one from the other. The war in Iraq is the prime example. Our opposition to that war has always been clear and firm. It was an illegal war based on a flawed prospectus. The failure to plan sufficiently for Iraq’s reconstruction has brought into focus the reality that this war was about regime change.

But what has the change of regime brought to Iraq? A state of near civil war. With more than 34,000 civilians killed there last year. And with a degraded infrastructure where public services like water, electricity and sewerage are worse than they were under Saddam Hussein.

We have been there for four years now. And Britain’s position is no longer sustainable. Britain’s most senior soldier, Sir Richard Dannatt, has said that our presence in Iraq exacerbates the security situation. A majority of Iraqis think that coalition forces are legitimate targets and an even greater majority think we should leave.

Meanwhile President Bush dismissed the advice of the Iraq Study Group. The British Prime Minister welcomed it before it was taken off the table by the President. Its sensible recommendations for a change in strategy, for regional engagement and dialogue with Syria and Iran were unpalatable to the administration.

The irony is that, having dismissed the report, the United States will now attend a security conference on Iraq, at which both Syria and Iran will be present.

Against that background we would need overwhelming justification to remain in Iraq. I do not believe that justification exists.

In truth it is time to go.

Of course we must continue to fulfil our obligations to the UN and the Iraqi people to assist reconstruction and regional engagement. But we can do that without a military presence.

What I have offered is a clear, structured and honourable framework for withdrawal from Iraq by the end of October this year. The British-American relationship needs to be renewed, reviewed and rebalanced. And sooner rather than later.

Because there are ominous signs that some in the United States might consider military action against Iran in response to its nuclear programme. The regime in Tehran is authoritarian, nationalist and oppressive. But in spite of its distasteful characteristics it has interests and influence that cannot be ignored.

Iran must be engaged rather than isolated if we are to stand a real chance of neutralising its nuclear programme. Already international engagement has led to a possible breakthrough in persuading North Korea to modify its nuclear programme. This is an illustration of what can be done.

Military action against Iran would buttress the regime, fan nationalism, further destabilise the region, put coalition forces at risk and disperse nuclear material. The case against it is overwhelming.

By serving out the longest period of notice in British political history the Prime Minister is creating friction within his Government and uncertainty in the country. He says that he is speeding up reform but his continued presence is holding it back. Will a change in Labour’s leadership benefit Wales? I very much doubt it.

Regardless of our opponents we know that ours is the party determined to address Wales’ needs. We have the ambition. We have the policies. And we have the people too.

Mike German has led this party in government. He’s a doughty fighter and an experienced campaigner – with a vision for a fairer, greener Wales.

With the experience of the AMs, and the passion and potential of our candidates, we have the ability to achieve even greater things for Wales.

So, the message is clear.

There is a great deal at stake on 3rd May, and there is a great opportunity for our party. We can win more votes, more seats and more influence in the Assembly than we have ever had before.

In doing so Mike and his team will have the chance to ensure that Wales’ future is a Liberal Democrat future.
Seize that chance.

more … ]]>

Conference, this is the third time I’ve spoken at this rostrum in 36 hours.

You really get your money’s worth out of me.

So, let me be clear.

This is the last time that I will be addressing you as Leader of the Liberal Democrats;

While Tony Blair is Prime Minister.

And after him, the whole game changes.

As I pledged to you in that debate yesterday.

That great debate.

A debate that no other party could have held.

A debate which showed the Liberal Democrats at their best.

As I pledged to you, I will not sit on the fence.

I will not sit on my hands.

I will continue to lead from the front.

I know no other way.

You know, a day never passes now without Tony Blair offering us some new gift wrapped solution.

A global energy crisis – don’t worry, just before I go there’s time to buy a new set of nuclear power stations.

The crisis in the Middle East – don’t worry, just before I go I alone will bring peace to Israel and the Palestinians.

Domestic gun crime – don’t worry, just before I go I’ll have a summit at No 10 and give you yet another criminal justice act.

The Prime Minister is hunting for his place in history.

He’s like a man in a supermarket with two minutes to go to closing time.

He’s doing it with such energy that it would make Victoria Beckham look restrained.

This frenzy of activity is designed to obscure a record of failure.

Because the true story is depressing.

The nuclear energy consultation?

Ruled illegal.

Britain’s influence abroad?

Sullied and diminished.

Our National Health Service?

Beds closing, operations delayed, nurses pay being cut.

And just this week doctors on the dole.

After ten long years, the cabinet has moved on.

The British people have moved on.

And so too should the Prime Minister.

The Blair premiership is finished.

And while Tony has been concentrating on his legacy, Dave’s been ducking and weaving.

He wants to keep his past private.

Well, I can understand that.

If I had his past I’d want to keep it private too.

Come on Dave – it’s time to come clean.

Admit your guilty secret.

In your youth, you were a Tory Boy and your heroes were Michael Howard, Norman Lamont and John Selwyn Gummer.

You know, with pin ups like that, frankly, I’d want to keep my past private too.

But seriously, it’s not your youthful indiscretions that worry me – it’s your adult misjudgements.

Teenage kicks are one thing, but you’ve got to grow up some time.

It’s time you admitted your mistakes.

Particularly your support for the Iraq war.

A moment when you gave the Prime Minister license to fight a war without legitimacy.

A conflict which has left Iraq on the verge of civil war,

The terrorists emboldened.

And the region destabilised.

Britain needs a new direction.

In 1997, Britain needed a new direction too.

Eighteen years of Conservative government had left Britain’s public health and education in a mess.

Mismanagement of the economy had led to boom and bust.

And the Tory approach to international affairs had left our seat at the European table empty.

Our influence dissipated.

And our national interest prejudiced.

Was it any wonder that the British people wanted change?

Now 10 years later Tony Blair is working out the last few weeks of his notice.

So let’s take a look at the true state of Blair’s Britain.

To be fair, first, on the plus side.

Much-needed economic stability brought by independence for the Bank of England – a Liberal Democrat proposal.

At last, the necessary investment in our public services – a Liberal Democrat priority.

A Scottish Parliament and a Welsh Assembly – a Liberal Democrat principle.

But whatever achievements have been made, there remain so many disappointments.

So many missed opportunities.

So much failure.

Let’s just look at what’s gone wrong on Tony Blair’s watch.

On the economy, personal debt is spiralling out of control.

The tax system is over-complicated.

And the housing boom is penalising first time buyers.

The gap between the rich and the poor is wider now than it was under the Conservatives.

Let me say that again, the gap between the rich and the poor is wider now than it was under the Conservatives.

Tony Blair’s failure – yes.

But Labour’s failure too.

In the Health Service, hospitals are in deficit.

Wards are closing.

Jobs are being lost.

In education, children from poorer backgrounds are falling behind.

Truancy is at record levels.

Students are saddled with debt.

We are now ranked bottom – yes, bottom – of the UNICEF league table for child well-being.

You know what that is?

That is a disgrace.

That is a national disgrace.

And on the international stage, our Prime Minister and the American President have created an axis of conflict from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean.

The Middle East peace process is in deep freeze.

Iraq is close to civil war.

The Taliban are regrouping in Afghanistan.

And now there is the threat of military action against Iran.

Britain’s foreign policy under Blair is neither independent nor effective – and it no longer serves the national interest.

On Crime, there has been abject failure at the Home Office.

The prison population is at record levels, and re-offending rates are the highest in Europe.

This Labour government has given us twenty three new bills relating to criminal law since 1997.

It has imposed on us some of the most authoritarian peacetime legislation this country has ever seen.

More than 3000 new crimes have been put on the statute book.

And yet the fear of crime and anti-social behaviour has not diminished one bit.

On the Environment, we need action and tough choices on energy, transport and aviation emissions.

We need Britain to lead by example and live up to its responsibilities to future generations.

And yet even last week David Miliband downgraded the climate change bill to draft status.

Instead of action, yet another year of delay and indecision.

Is it any wonder that trust in this Labour Government has evaporated?

You know, I’m not surprised about that.

When I travel around this country my anger rises as I see the daily problems faced by decent British people.

Parents who can’t get their children into the local school.

Young couples who can’t afford decent housing.

Older people struggling on the basic state pension.

This is the frustrated majority of Britain.

The frustrated majority being let down by this Labour government.

The frustrated majority who have been let down by Tony Blair.

He was the prime minister who promised so much, but who has delivered so little.

Well, Labour may have given up on the big challenges facing our country, but I tell you this: this party never will.

And now we are faced with the prospect of Gordon Brown as prime minister.

This Chancellor of the Exchequer has had more control over the direction of government policy than any Chancellor in living memory.

This man, who has written the cheques since 1997, has had unparalleled influence within Whitehall.

Why on earth should we believe that Britain will be better governed if he moves from No 11 Downing Street to No. 10?

Why should we believe that more of the same is what Britain needs?

I’ll tell you what this country needs.

This country needs a fresh direction.

A liberal and democratic direction.

Britain needs a government that is prepared to reduce inequality.

Britain needs a government that will uphold the rule of law.

Britain needs a government that will preserve our traditional freedoms.

Britain needs a government that will take on the challenge of climate change.

And Britain needs a government that will restore our international reputation.

The question is – can Gordon Brown meet that challenge?

Does he have the courage to take Britain in a new direction?

Is he the man to create the liberal and democratic Britain that we need?

I’ve got five tests for Gordon Brown.

First, end Labour’s authoritarian attack on civil liberties.

Identity cards will not stop terrorism.

They won’t stop illegal immigration.

They won’t stop fraud.

And they won’t stop crime.

Don’t spend billions of pounds on an expensive, ineffective, and unworkable identity card scheme.

Spend the money on our police and security services instead.

Second, grasp the challenge posed by climate change.

The environmental efforts in the Chancellor’s budgets have been risible.

Make the green tax switch so that we tax pollution more and earnings less.

Third, break open the poverty trap.

How can it be fair that over two and a half million pensioners live in poverty?

How can it be fair that over one and a half million families are on waiting lists for social housing?

And I want to ask Gordon Brown how can it be fair that in 21st century Britain six out ten children in Glasgow – the city where I was born – live in poverty?

Give pensioners a proper income without the humiliation of the means test.

Give families the opportunity for decent housing.

Give our children a proper chance in life.

End the dependency culture.

Give people a hand up, not a hand out.

And my fourth test, trust the people.

Since 1997 Labour has accumulated power, when it ought to have dispersed it.

Take localism seriously and free local communities from the shackles of Whitehall.

Scrap the unfair Council Tax which penalises pensioners and poorer families and hamstrings local communities.

And fifth, Britain’s foreign policy should not be set in Washington.

What do we know about Iraq?

I’ll tell you what we know.

The President made the decisions, the Prime Minister argued the case, the Chancellor signed the cheques and the Tories voted it through.

The British-American relationship needs to be rebalanced.

And sooner rather than later.

There are ominous signs that some in the United States might consider military action against Iran.

But strikes against Iran would buttress the regime,

Destabilise the region,

And put British forces in Iraq at risk.

So, Mr Brown, announce now that Britain will not support and will not play any part in an attack on Iran.

And while you are at it, repudiate the Prime Minister’s desperate efforts to lock us into the United States plan for a ‘son of star wars’ missile defence system.

So, these are the five tests for Mr Brown if he is going to make the change of direction that Britain needs.

And if he meets these five tests he will have changed direction.

He will have changed direction, and embraced liberal democracy.

Are the Conservatives up to this same challenge?

Of course not.

You can’t bring about a change of direction for Britain when you’re determined to emulate Tony Blair.

And you are no liberal when you plan to abolish Britain’s human rights laws.

You know what disappoints me about Mr Cameron?

Just when the rest of the country is turning its back on Blairism -

The spin, the photo-opportunities, the sound-bites, and the gimmicks -

The Tory leader wants to be the same.

We know real politics is about providing solutions.

As the Conservative leader shrinks from that challenge the Liberal Democrats are here to meet it.

Think about where we were a year ago.

People were writing us off.

They said three party politics was dead.

But you cannot write off liberalism.

You cannot write off the Liberal Democrats.

And what about the nonsense that we had to choose between social liberalism and economic liberalism.

All of that has stopped.

Because we have shown our determination to harness the market to deliver social justice.

Other parties may need to reposition or reinvent themselves.

But we are consistent in our views and our values.

And we are consistent in our beliefs.

We believe in liberalism.

We believe in democracy.

And on my watch our party is clear where we stand.

Clear on crime.

Clear on tax.

Clear on the environment.

We are not a pressure group.

We are a party of influence and power.

Everything we do from now to the next election should be to make us ready for the challenge that election will bring.

That means credible policy – action we could implement in Government.

Action that will make a practical difference to people’s lives.

Action that encourages social mobility and opportunity.

Action that’s based on the enduring values of liberal democracy.

And we have set the agenda.

Robust green, environmental solutions that would help Britain live up to its responsibilities to the next generation.

Robust, credible economic policies that aren’t about high taxes but about fair taxes.

Robust practical responses to crime – honesty in sentencing, making prison work, and community justice too.

Because together, we can cut crime.

But this is the challenge I want to set for us all over the next year.

On health, welfare and education we will be debating new ideas.

At the heart of these proposals will be our unswerving commitment to reduce poverty and inequality.

You can’t call yourself a Liberal Democrat unless you share that commitment.

The country cries out for sustainable, high quality local services in health, education and welfare.

We must establish a society in which the chances of an individual are not determined by their background or who their parents were.

A society in which everyone who has the potential, and is prepared to work hard can achieve success.

A society that looks after those who are less fortunate.

A society that is compassionate and generous.

That provides opportunity and encourages ambition.

But I tell you this.

Our approach to the public services will not be to throw money about.

The Liberal Democrats are not a tax and spend party.

We are a save and spend party.

We were right – in the 1990s – to argue for higher taxation for public services because the Tories had stripped our public services to the bone.

We were right – in 2001 – to argue for higher taxation for public services because Gordon Brown had stuck to Tory spending limits and little had changed.

And now taxes have gone up and some investment has been made.

And yes, there have been some improvements.

But so much of that investment has been wasted.

Taxpayers’ money wasted on initiatives that get headlines, but have no practical effect.

Taxpayers’ money wasted on a merry-go-round of reorganisation that leaves doctors, nurses and teachers tied up in red-tape, filling out forms and waiting for the next ministerial gimmick.

Taxpayers money wasted on this government’s Whitehall directed, target driven, wrong-headed, dogmatic obsession with command and control of the public services – yes, and control of peoples lives too.

So I say the tax burden doesn’t need to rise.

I say that we need to spend the public’s money better.

Our green tax switch is the first detailed plan by any major political party to shift the burden of tax away from people to pollution.

By increasing green taxes we can change the behaviour of polluters at a time when action to combat climate change has never been more needed.

And by increasing green taxes and abolishing generous tax subsidies that benefit the rich, we can afford to cut taxes for lower and middle income families.

And remember what that means.

By abolishing the 10 pence starting rate.

By cutting the basic rate from 22 pence to 20.

And by raising the top rate threshold from £38,000 to £50,000, we will cut the national income tax bill of 28 million people.

More than two million of the poorest tax payers will come out of national income tax altogether.

Don’t whisper it softly – shout it out loudly – Liberal Democrats would cut national income tax for those who need it most.

People keep asking me what my objectives for the next elections are.

So let me tell you now.

More votes, more seats, more influence.

And at these next elections – on May 3rd – that is what this party must aim for.

More votes across the country.

More seats in the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly.

And more influence in more councils across Britain.

But this is setting a tough target for ourselves – for we start from a high base.

So be under no illusions.

If we don’t work as hard as we can between now and May, we will not succeed.

There can be no room for complacency.

May is a crucial test for us, and we will only pass it if every Liberal Democrat joins with me to take our message out across the country.

And when we’re out there we’re going to be telling people exactly where we stand.

That our party is the party of freedom, fairness and the environment.

That we’re the only party campaigning to scrap the unfair council tax.

That our five steps to a safer Britain can cut crime and free people from fear.

That we’re the only party serious about the environment.

And tell them too about our record.

That across Britain – in government – we have delivered.

That across Britain – in government – we have kept our promises.

In Watford – graffiti being cleaned up by those who made the mess in the first place.

In Cardiff – faster response to out of hours calls to GPs.

And in Newcastle and Liverpool – crime falling.

We can be particularly proud of our record for fairness in national government in Scotland.

Fairness for young people – by abolishing tuition fees.

Fairness for the elderly – by giving free personal care.

And fairness for all voters beset by decades of inefficient Labour local government, with proportional representation in local elections for the first time this May – when every vote will count.

So whether you’re fighting elections in Scotland or Wales or fighting elections in England, make sure you tell the Liberal Democrat message.

Governing is an honour.

And it’s an honour that we should never take for granted.

When we leave Harrogate let us campaign as we have never campaigned before.

Let us work hard to win every extra vote and every extra seat.

For every extra vote and every extra seat will make our country and our communities freer, fairer and greener.

I tell you this now.

I’m not content to lead a party whose sole purpose is opposition.

Our clear direction must be government.

We want to govern, not because we think we were born to it like the Conservatives.

We want to govern, not because we want to control people’s lives like Labour.

We want to govern to give power back to the people.

And our ambition is to create a different kind of government.

A government elected by a system where every vote counts.

Government that frees people to make their own choices.

Government that’s compassionate and dedicated to the people it serves.

Government that safeguards the environment for the next generation.

Government fit for Britain in the 21st century.

more … ]]> Following the vote on the future of Britain’s nuclear deterrent at the Liberal Democrat Party Conference, the party has voted to cut Britain’s nuclear arsenal by half and kick-start disarmament talks.

Responding to this decision Liberal Democrat Leader Menzies Campbell said:

I am proud to lead a party that is capable of having such a mature, responsible yet passionate debate.

I am pleased that the Liberal Democrats have taken this progressive move to cut our nuclear arsenal by half and kick-start disarmament talks.

The international situation with regards to proliferation is fluid and dangerous. While Iran is seeking nuclear weapons, Britain should maintain a minimum deterrent.

Tony Blair’s premature decision to replace Trident is more about his legacy than the national interest. The Liberal Democrats will not support this move in Parliament.

I shall lead all Liberal Democrat MPs into the No Lobby on the 14th March in the House of Commons to oppose the Government.

The policy passed by our conference today is progressive, responsible and rational.

more … ]]> At the Liberal Democrat “We Can Cut Crime” rally, Liberal Democrat Leader Ming Campbell highlighted that over 51 million crimes have been reported in this country since Labour came to power.

Ming Campbell said:

Tony Blair’s legacy on law and order is one of tough talk, and spectacular failure.

Effective criminal justice should deter crime and reform the criminal. But the reality is that Labour has failed on both counts.

Shockingly, we live in a country where less than one in every hundred crimes committed leads to a court conviction. Just one in every hundred.

And just as bad, we live in a country where eight out of ten teenage boys reoffend within two years of release.

Ming Campbell went on to say:

The Government pursues headlines with more vigour than it pursues criminals. Three thousand new criminal offences, and twenty three criminal justice acts have sought to reassure the public and to discourage the criminal.

But no criminal has ever been stopped by a headline. And our crime rates show it.

Explaining the Liberal Democrat approach to crime Ming Campbell said:

A liberal approach to crime is an honest approach to crime. It is based on what works rather than just what sounds good. It targets the offender rather than the innocent. And it has the courage to engage with the criminal and try to reform behaviour.

The Liberal Democrats can cut crime.

Menzies Campbell concluded by pointing to the successes that Liberal Democrats have had in cutting crime locally he said:

“This rally is about all of you who have campaigned throughout Britain to ensure that there are real solutions to crime delivered locally.

“It is a tribute to those of you who have campaigned to remove the blight of crime from peoples’ lives.”

During the rally, the party launched a new website to chronicle the problems of the Home Office: www.homeofficewatch.com

more … ]]> From Ming Campbell’s email sent to party members today:

In a little under a month’s time, the Federal Party’s spring conference in Harrogate (2nd-4th March) will get underway. The Final Agenda and accompanying papers are now on their way to local party representatives.

This conference will signal a change of pace for the Party as we gear up for a crucial round of elections in May. We are approaching these elections with confidence – but there is no room for complacency. We are well placed to win more votes and more seats in Scotland and Wales, and in the English local elections. But this will depend as always on the hard work of our members getting our Liberal Democrat message across locally. My diary is now full with campaigning up and down the country. So if I don’t see you in Harrogate, I hope to see you in the months before May.

At Harrogate itself, the focus will be on crime and the community. We have two policy papers from the Federal Policy Committee to debate on crime itself and also community regeneration. (You can find these papers on the party website).

The message is straightforward. Crime is a liberal issue. Working together we can cut crime and reinvigorate our communities. If you want to get involved in this campaign visit the website www.wecancutcrime.com and take part in your local party initiatives.

Other debates include a campaign to save Britain’s historic waterways which remain a vibrant link to our past and a focus for some much-needed community redevelopment and economic growth. We will also be discussing motions on sustainable housing, and international development.

But perhaps the most interesting debate will be on the Federal Policy Committee’s proposals on the future of Britain’s nuclear deterrent (see our consultation website).

Conference will be asked to set a new Liberal Democrat policy to reduce significantly Britain’s nuclear weapons by 50% – bringing Britain’s warheads down to a maximum of 100. If approved these proposals mean that the Liberal Democrats would be pressing for a radical reduction in the size of the British nuclear deterrent so that Britain can take the lead in kick-starting the stalled international disarmament talks.

We are all committed to nuclear disarmament. Working towards global elimination of nuclear weapons is a central principle of our international and defence policies. By cutting Britain’s nuclear weapons by 50% and keeping our seat at the table, Britain has the best chance of driving forward the disarmament agenda.

The proposals are not only progressive, they are responsible too. They recognise the delicate situation that the world finds itself in 2007 with regards to proliferation. We must recognise the danger over the next decade of states such as Iran developing nuclear weapons, and the pressure this will place on other powers in their regions to acquire nuclear weapons themselves. Such proliferation could lead in the longer term to one or more such states possibly posing a threat to Britain, its neighbours or allies.

So disarming completely now – just as the security situation looks more potentially alarming than for many years, when we have an effective deterrent with many years life left in it and when the need to take a final decision to replace Trident is some years away – would I believe be the wrong course to take at this time.

In reality, Britain doesn’t need to take a final decision on replacing Trident until well into the next decade. Tony Blair has jumped the gun on this because he wants the decision made while he is still Prime Minister. Liberal Democrats should not fall into his trap and be bounced into accepting his flawed logic. Scheduling the final decision for a more realistic date in the next decade would give Britain a number of years to try to create the circumstances in which replacing Trident could prove strategically unnecessary.

If Britain used all its influence to spearhead a renewed drive towards disarmament, and with a better American administration post-George Bush, we could encourage other countries considering nuclear development to sit down and discuss a non-nuclear future. This means keeping Britain’s options open for as long as we are able.

So our conference in Harrogate looks set to be an interesting and, I hope, successful event. If you are able to come to Harrogate and help us set the agenda for the elections in May, I look forward to seeing you there. If not, I hope to see you out and about over the next few months as we face the electoral challenge yet again, in Scotland and Wales and across England. Remember, where we work we win. Britain needs more Liberal Democrats at every level of government arguing for and implementing Liberal Democrats policies to cut crime, to save the environment and to make Britain a freer, fairer and greener place to live.

more … ]]> September 21, 2006: Ming Campbell addressed Liberal Democrat conference as follows:

This has been my first autumn conference as Liberal Democrat leader. And I have enjoyed it – particularly since Tuesday lunchtime.

But while I have enjoyed my first, others will be hoping to enjoy their last.

Labour is preparing to pick a new leader.

You may have read that the Prime Minister is planning a farewell tour for a grateful nation. The Chris Evans show is on the list. So is Blue Peter – he’ll be wanting a free badge out of that.

And then there are to be Songs of Praise. Details are top secret. But in the best new Labour tradition, they have been leaked.
And this time, I have received a copy.

The hymns are definitely fit for purpose.

To start with, a hymn about new Labour’s current situation:

Oh Hear us when we cry to thee, For Those in Peril on the Sea.

Then, to lift the spirits of the party faithful:

Oh, What a Friend we have in Gordon.

And finally, before the curtain falls, repentance:

Dear Lord and Father of Mankind, Forgive our Foolish Ways.

Liberal Democrats, we are unique among the major British parties in the way our conference works. The decisions you made this week mattered. The debates we’ve had have meant something. We have demonstrated our belief in liberalism, our commitment to democracy, and our unity of purpose.

Next week its Labour’s turn. You won’t see any liberalism from them. There won’t be any democracy. And there won’t be votes that matter.

Half of them want Blair out. And the other half don’t want Brown in.

After that it’s the Conservatives’ turn. See if you can find a policy.

Just one will do.

The Tories are determined to avoid policy decisions at all costs.

They’ve chosen to adopt the oak tree as their new party logo.

For a policy-free party, that seems an entirely appropriate symbol. It can take an oak tree fifty years to bear any fruit.

There is a serious point here. Political debate in this country is in danger of losing sight of what matters. It is in danger of losing its substance.

In the last few weeks Labour has been tearing itself apart. The Conservatives are concentrating on image and little else. Despite all the challenges our country is facing, neither of them has anything to say on the issues that matter.

But this week we Liberal Democrats have shown what politics ought to be about. The issues that matter to people – public services, the environment, crime, taxation – a fairer and more peaceful world.

This country needs a party of principle. A party that is confident and consistent. A party that is prepared say this is what we stand for, and this is what we will do. A party of policy, not of symbolism. A party of substance, not of spin.

This week we have unveiled the most progressive plan for tax reform this country has seen in decades. It provides the British people with the politics of substance.

This is about taking the tough decisions that really make a difference to people’s lives.

Taxation is at the heart of good government. And if a political party cannot or will not tell you how it will tax, then it does not deserve a single vote.

Mr Brown taxes by stealth, never willing to tell us during an election campaign what he will do after the votes are counted.

Nor will David Cameron talk about how much he will tax or how much he will spend. All he says is that he will “share the proceeds of growth”

That’s a slogan, not a policy.

We Liberal Democrats are different. Here is exactly what we’ll do.

We will cut national income tax for 28 million working people.

We’ll abolish the 10 pence starting rate. We’ll cut the basic rate from 22 pence to 20. We’ll raise the top rate threshold from £38,000 to £50,000

We’ll take over two million of our lowest earners out of income tax altogether.

More than two million people.

Money back in the pockets of the poorest working families.

We will reward ambition and aspiration – not penalise effort.

Let me tell you how we will pay for it.

Not by higher taxes. We will not raise the overall level of taxation. But we will reform the tax system so that it is fairer, simpler and greener.

Under our plans, some will pay more. We are straightforward about this.

The very wealthy will lose their generous pension tax subsidies. Tax breaks on capital gains will be removed. Those who can afford to make a greater contribution should do so.

And we will raise environmental taxes too. All of us should pay tax on the pollution we cause.

Yes – It means taxing aviation properly.
Yes – It means fuel duty going up with inflation.
And yes – It means paying more for the cars that pollute the most.

If we are serious about the environment, only action will suffice.

The truth is, we still have a chance to affect the course of climate change. But in ten years it may be too late.

Climate change is the greatest moral and practical challenge we face. We must act. Not in the future – not just when new technology becomes available – but now.

Our tax reforms are not about posturing on the environment. We’ve seen enough of that over the last year. This is about taking the decisions that will help us live up to our responsibilities – at home and abroad.

We are the only party prepared to take those decisions necessary to create a greener Britain. And necessary to create a fairer Britain.

Income tax cuts for hard working people. The polluter paying the price. Taxing wealth, not work.

Now this is the politics of substance. It’s fairness in action. It’s environmentalism in action. It’s liberalism in action.

And this country has never been in more need of our liberal values.

Like many of you I was optimistic in 1997. Not just because 18 years of Conservative rule were over. But because there was a feeling of hope and a promise of change. A promise of inclusive politics where people and ideas mattered. The opportunity to renew Britain. To restore public services. To bring back trust and faith in government. To create a new progressive politics.

But Labour has squandered that opportunity. After three election victories, Labour has failed.

The gap between rich and poor is wider than at any point under Margaret Thatcher. We have higher taxes, but little improvement in public services. Millions of pensioners remain consigned to poverty: two thirds of them women. Hard-working families are crippled by debt. Carbon emissions are rising. And now hospital wards are closing, doctors and nurses are losing their jobs. This is the domestic legacy of the Blair-Brown Government.

And Labour has put our civil liberties under threat.

Labour believes that terrorism should be tackled by taking away personal freedoms.

Let me be very clear – Terrorism is a threat to everything that liberals stand for – individual freedom, democracy, and the rule of law.

We support this government when it provides the police and security services with powers and resources when these are truly justified.
It was, after all, the Liberal Democrats who won the argument for the creation of the new criminal offence of acts preparatory to terrorism.

But a strong and safe society can only be created if communities work together to tackle these threats.

Excessive powers – and the excessive use of powers – alienate the very communities we need on our side.

Terrorism thrives where civil liberties are denied.

That is why Liberal Democrats, under my leadership, will fight to maintain the principles of the Human Rights Act.
That is why Liberal Democrats, under my leadership, will fight for the independence of judges and the rule of law.
That is why Liberal Democrats, under my leadership, will fight against any acceptance of torture.

And if the proposal comes back – and it will – we will fight to ensure that the government cannot imprison people for ninety days without trial or charge.

When tackling terrorism, we must recognise that how we act abroad is as important as how we act at home.

We should all be proud of the contribution the United Kingdom has made to democracy, to the values of tolerance and diversity, to the spread of the rule of law.

But in a few short years, Britain’s reputation has been tarnished.

In foreign policy, the Prime Minister has elevated belief over evidence, conviction over judgement, and instinct over understanding.

Put quite simply, he has presided over a foreign policy which is neither ethical nor effective.

Week after week in Parliament, the Prime Minister has had to lead tributes to the members of the armed forces who have been killed in action.

Since Parliament last sat in July, another 29 have died.
We must never forget the price that we ask the men and women of our armed forces to pay.

In Iraq we are approaching a state of civil war.
Hundreds dying every week.
Terrorism taking root.

And all the while, Guantanamo Bay stands as a shameful affront to justice and the rule of law.

Secret Prisons, rendition, the suspicion of torture.

How can those who operate outside the rule of law argue credibly for its observance in Iraq?

We Liberal Democrats will not shrink from our responsibility to challenge the government for the consequences of its decisions.

Security is not being gained, it is being lost.
Terrorism is not being defeated, it is being invigorated.
Freedom is not being spread, it is being undermined.

On the Middle East lets us be clear.

We do not underestimate the difficulties for Israel – in dealing with Hezbollah or a government in the Palestinian territories led by Hamas.

Hamas must recognise the state of Israel.
It must renounce violence.
And it must accept existing peace accords.
These remain the necessary conditions for the development of long term peace.

But there will be no peace in the Middle East while the Palestinians are subject to daily humiliation, settlements are expanded on the West Bank and the Palestinian people have no viable homeland they can call their own.

As long as this continues, Israel’s legal and moral right to live in peace behind secure and recognized borders will be undermined.

And what, more recently, did Lebanon teach us?

Hezbollah’s actions in kidnapping two Israeli soldiers were an outrage.
So too was their shelling of innocent civilians in Israel.

But the disproportionate response – the systematic destruction of roads, houses and bridges, the death and uprooting of so many innocent citizens – all of this has served to strengthen Hezbollah, not weaken it.

We Liberal Democrats led the call for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire.
But the Prime Minister was silent.
Yet again, Blair’s Britain was out of step with everyone but the Bush administration.

But our country’s reputation can be recovered.

It can be recovered by a British government that works through international institutions and is unflinching in its support for the rule of law.

I hope that at last our government recognises the depth of the crisis in Darfur.

Hundreds of thousands dead – millions displaced – desperate for aid and in fear for their lives.

You remember, in Rwanda the world looked the other way.
It must not do so again.
Britain must not do so again.

And now Mr Cameron expresses his reservations about Britain’s foreign policy.
Well I say to that – Where were you?
Where were you when what was needed was not reservation but votes?
I’ll tell you where you were.
You, Mr Cameron, were in the government lobby backing military action against Iraq.

You should apologise for supporting that war.

And while you’re at it, Mr Cameron, you should apologise for the last Tory manifesto, which you wrote – one of the most reactionary, unpleasant, right-wing manifestos of modern times.

But now, when it comes to policy, Cameron’s Tories are a substance free zone.
Their idea of political principle is to say, tell us what you don’t like and we’ll abandon it.

They have learned all the wrong lessons from Mr Blair – the spin, the photo opportunity, the endless sound bites signifying nothing.
Political parties shouldn’t be glorified advertising agencies.

It’s all very well for Mr Cameron to say he is a liberal now – but real liberalism means leading public opinion not following it.

The British public is entitled to the politics of substance, not the politics of spin.

That is why the British people are voting for Liberal Democrats in ever greater numbers.

Take this year.
The by-election in Gordon Brown’s back yard in Dunfermline returned the Liberal Democrat Willie Rennie as Member of Parliament, boosting our number of MPs to an all time high.
And in one of the safest Tory seats, Bromley and Chislehurst, Ben Abbotts reduced their massive majority to just 641 votes.

So much for David Cameron’s appeal outside Westminster.

The British people will vote for us in greater numbers still.
But only if we show that we practice the politics of substance, just as we did in that great tax debate on Tuesday.
And only if we show that we are the party of opportunity.
That freedom, fairness and a commitment to the environment are at the very heart of everything we say – and everything we do.

I joined the party as a young man at Glasgow University.
My generation – those of us now entering what I like to call?youthful middle age – was beginning to battle the injustices of the twentieth century – racism, sexism and homophobia.

That is why, when I was elected leader of the party, I made it clear to you that I would not be content until we had ensured that our party is more representative – that we have more candidates drawn from the ranks of women, the disabled and black and ethnic minorities.

That is why we have set up our new diversity fund.

We will be using it to fight target seats where such candidates are chosen.

We already have £200,000 pledged for that purpose.
This is clear signal of our serious ambition to make our party more representative.
But this is just the start.
Over the next few months there will be further initiatives – more money and more action.

But while we reform our own party we must never forget that inequality, unfairness and lack of opportunity are a blight on our society.

I was born in a tenement in Glasgow.
My parents worked hard to provide me with the opportunities that they never had.
My father wanted to be a doctor, but couldn’t afford to go to university.
So they saw to it that I got the chances they did not.
But opportunity should not be an accident of birth.
It must be open to everyone in Britain.

That is why I have established a commission, chaired by Liz Barker, to look at ways in which Liberal Democrats can reduce inequality, tackle poverty, and provide opportunity for those who have none.

And we will come to conference next year with proposals to meet these challenges – another real contribution to the politics of substance.

You know, my education was paid by for by the state, the sports facilities where I trained as an athlete were paid for by the state – and the health care that I have received was paid for by the state.

So I know the true value of public services.

I know about the way in which they provide the essentials of a decent society, and I know about the way in which they create opportunity.

The Tories told us that public services were safe in their hands.
How hollow those words were.

Labour told us on the eve of the 1997 election that we had “twenty four hours to save the NHS”.

It is true that Labour has put a record amount of money into our public services.

But they certainly haven’t delivered value for money.

A quarter of sixteen year olds drop out of education with no qualifications.
And our creaking transport system is still struggling to cope.
Hospitals are being closed.

Increased investment is not enough to provide the quality services our country needs and deserves.
We need to spend that money more wisely.

Let me set out the principles for Liberal Democrat reform of the public services.

First, stability.

Reforms must be thought through and given time to bed in.
Not rushed through and then abandoned.

The experience of the NHS makes that point.

From the reorganisation of its structure, to the botched reform of doctors’ contracts – it’s no wonder that our doctors and nurses are in despair.

Stability can only be achieved through long-term planning.

If public services are to provide proper value for money, they must plan for the long-term needs of the communities they serve.

That ‘s why localism is our second principle.

Localism: so necessary for our country, but so alien to the Tories – and even more so to Labour.

The Labour Government is like the hurricane that hit the Azores yesterday.
A great, grey depression that spins around sucking everything into its centre.
And its name?
Hurricane Gordon.

But centralisation is not for us.
We will put power where it is needed.

That is why Liberal Democrats believe in freeing councils to raise and spend their own money.
Because local authorities understand local priorities.
And local problems require local solutions.

Our third principle – services should be tailored to the needs of the individual.
Our public services must put people first: not targets imposed by Whitehall.
That is what public services should be about.
Serving the real needs of those who use them.

That is why we support “pupil choice” to combine both academic and vocational learning in secondary schools.
Education tailored to the needs and interests of each individual – and encouraging young people to stay in school and gain skills.

Public services that plan for the long-term, that serve the local community, and that are centred on the needs of the individuals who use them.
We Liberal Democrats are clear and united in our vision.

We share a great ambition for our party and our country.
We are ambitious to put our principles into practice.
To turn our ideas into action.

My objective is nothing less than to complete the transformation of the Liberal Democrats from a party of opposition into a party of government.

It is only by governing that we will have the opportunity to build a society that is free, fair and green.

Millions of people are represented by Liberal Democrats.
At Westminster, in the European Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly and in local councils the length and breadth of this country.

And today 17 million people in Britain experience Liberal Democrat government.
That’s 17 million people who know how tirelessly Liberal Democrats work for them.

Great cities like Liverpool, Newcastle, and Cardiff are prospering under Liberal Democrat leadership.

And across the country, Liberal Democrat Council leaders are responsible for a combined budget of over £10bn.

In Scotland, Liberal Democrat ministers are the driving force behind progressive politics.
Look at what they have achieved.
And end to tuition fees.
Free personal care for the elderly.
And fair votes for local government.

Under Nicol Stephen’s leadership, we have great ambitions.
And our party is poised to make many gains in next year’s elections.
The momentum is with us and, next May, Nicol Stephen has a real chance of becoming Scotland’s First Minister.

As in Edinburgh, so in Westminster.
To become a party of Government, we must act as a party of government.

We must make the tough decisions necessary to show that we are radical and responsible.
That we practice the politics of substance.
That we are the party of opportunity in Britain.

My commitment to the beliefs and principles of the party is absolute.

I want to build a Britain that is at peace with itself at home, and respected abroad.

You know, some people yearn for the years gone by.
Some mourn for what is past.
But not me.
I hunger for what is to come – for what is possible.
We should have no fear of the future.
Rather, we should relish the challenges ahead.

I have had three great opportunities in my life: In sport, in the law, and in politics.

And now I have been given one more.

The opportunity to lead our party from opposition towards government.

And when that moment comes, to ensure that we are ready to build a Britain that is free, fair and green.

That is my vision.
Your challenge.
Our future.

more … ]]> July 6, 2006. Ming Campbell emailed Liberal Democrat party members with news of the party’s September Conference in Brighton:

The debates lined up for this autumn’s party conference in Brighton on 16-21st September will cover a range of important issues where we will be setting out our stall for the years ahead. They include the results of the Meeting the Challenge consultation process, and also the important work of our Tax Commission.

You can register online by following this link »

Conference is not only about debates. We will be launching a major environmental campaign at conference with a campaign rally addressed by myself and Chris Huhne MP, our Environment Spokesperson. You will also have the chance to question me in a question and answer session.

In addition to a very busy programme of fringe meetings, there is a large range of top quality training available. There is no extra charge for the training which is provided by some of the country’s top experts. To get training from such experts would normally cost many hundreds, if not thousands, of pounds!

If you have not registered for conference, I really hope you do so and join us in what is always an exhilarating, thoughtful, exciting and fun occasion.

I look forward to seeing you in Brighton.